Editor’s Note
This article examines the agroecology movement’s evolution from its formal recognition in France to its role as a political counterweight, highlighting the regulatory frameworks that have shaped its principles of sustainability and natural production.
In France, organic agriculture has officially existed since 1985. That year marked the birth of the AB logo and the development of a national set of specifications. Six years later, this mode of production and processing was enshrined by European regulations. Structured around three main chapters, it guarantees natural and authentic products, respect for animal welfare, and the absence of synthetic chemical use. Within France, it covers 2,711,567 hectares, representing 10.1% of French agricultural land in 2024.
In Brazil, where Veja sources its organic cotton, another concept is gaining momentum: agroecology. The term, which appeared in 1928, is attributed to the American agronomist Basil Bensin and refers to the application of ecological methods to agronomic research. This way of producing is developing in Latin America, and Chilean professor Miguel Altieri, who teaches at Berkeley, theorized the concept in his book Agroecology: The Scientific Basis of Alternative Agriculture (1983):
In his article Agroecological Movement in Brazil: Trajectory, Contradictions and Perspectives published in the journal Natures Sciences Sociétés in 2008, Alfio Brandenburg in turn defines agroecology as “an agricultural practice, but also a practice based on knowledge, social, cultural, and political values with the aim of building social and environmental relationships linked to the interests of peasants or small farmers.”
Indeed, since the 1970s, this alternative agriculture movement has opposed prevailing modernization policies and protected small Brazilian farmers. This is even one of the major distinctions between agroecology and organic agriculture. While in both cases the use of synthetic chemicals to promote cultivation is prohibited, agroecology incorporates a social dimension. It is not simply about producing while respecting the environment; it is also about respecting and empowering the people who work the land.
Supported by NGOs, these individuals have grouped into self-managed associations to create spaces for discussion about their living conditions, production, and marketing issues. Gradually, these entities, critical of state policies, began to play a counter-power role against government bodies.
In Ceará, a state in the north of the Northeast region, it is Esplar that has been playing this tune since 1974.
Nevertheless, the rural population endured poverty and felt abandoned by the government. Spurred on by Pedro Jorge and Bishop Dom Antônio Batista Fragoso, hundreds of families converted to agroecology and began organizing into communities to improve their living conditions. The first cooperatives emerged, while systems were put in place to promote mutual aid among farmers to avoid dependence on the government.
As early as 1990, Esplar launched a research group on mako cotton cultivation. At the time, the association observed that low international prices had killed the Brazilian sector. Additionally, it developed solutions to combat infestation by the cotton boll weevil, an insect that devastates crops across the country. One of them: alternating rows of cotton with rows of sesame or beans, which act as a natural barrier.
